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1.3 Radical feminist arguments have been met by the sex positive alliance who point out that selling sex is sexual labour, prioritising the focus on emotional, physical and sexual skills that the sex worker performs (Brewis and Linstead 2000; West and Austrin 2002; Vanwesenbeeck 2005). 'The Geographical Mobility, Preferences and Pleasures of Prolific Punters: a Demonstration Study of the Activities of Prostitutes' Clients'. While the body/sex work literature is now flourishing (for a review see Walkowitz et al. 1.2 The feminist debates on the 'prostitute body' have taken their toll on broader conceptualising around what is going on in the commercial sex industry, as the arguments become reduced down to the 'coercion' versus 'choice' dichotomy (Scoular 2016).

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Relatively little is known about internet-based sex workers as initial research in this area has focussed on the health of male sex workers as a specific group (Koken et al. 'Designing out violence, building in respect: Violence, safety and sex work policy'.

1.1 It is only recently that discussions around the quality of work and job satisfaction of sex workers have been brought to the research agenda.

This tardiness has been for a range of reasons, which in turn reveal broader political dynamics that shape how we come to understand the sex industries, the direction of research in this field, and what knowledge is privileged.

These findings are placed in the context of the changing landscape of sex markets as the digital turn determines the nature of the majority of commercial sex encounters. [doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226870076.001.0001] WARD, H., Day, S.

These findings contribute significantly to the populist coercion/choice political debates by demonstrating levels and types of agency and autonomy experienced by some sex workers despite working in a criminalized, precarious and sometimes dangerous context.

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